⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ Eleanor Roosevelt Contributions To America Essay

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Eleanor Roosevelt Contributions To America Essay

Roosevelt family. Inthe National Eleanor Roosevelt Contributions To America Essay Administration NYAan Eleanor Roosevelt Contributions To America Essay focused on finding work opportunities Western Hills Detective Agency Case Study young people, appointed prominent clubwoman and school president, Mary McLeod Bethune, to become the Negro Advisor, and later chair, of its Division Eleanor Roosevelt Contributions To America Essay Negro Eleanor Roosevelt Contributions To America Essay see figure 2. He may hurl back our forces. Please provide responses to TWO 2 of the Eleanor Roosevelt Contributions To America Essay questions:. Skarloff, Eleanor Roosevelt Contributions To America Essay Culture in the New Deal1— Roosevelt was not able to visit her friend without supervision.

Women In American History: Eleanor Roosevelt

In October , when the Romanian Army gained control of Odessa, Pavlichenko and her unit withdrew to Sevastopol to defend the city. Pavlichenko fought in the Siege of Sevastopol for eight months, where intense fighting resulted in immense Soviet casualties. In Sevastopol, her confirmed kill count rose even higher. By May , Pavlichenko recorded kills, which garnered her another promotion to lieutenant.

This included counter sniping, or engaging in duels with enemy snipers. Pavlichenko won every duel she fought, including one duel that lasted three days. In June , while fighting in Sevastopol, she was wounded after shrapnel from a mortar round struck her in the face. The military saw Pavlichenko as too valuable of an asset. Before she could fully heal from her injury, the Soviet high command withdrew her from battle.

In the time she spent fighting, Pavlichenko had obtained a record of confirmed kills. We will give you plenty of chocolate and make you a German officer. After she fully recovered from her injuries, Pavlichenko was not sent back to fighting on the front lines. Instead, the Soviet command gave her a new role—propaganda. In late , Pavlichenko arrived in Washington, DC. Pavlichenko, now a highly-decorated Soviet lieutenant, traveled to the United States on behalf of the Soviet Union in an attempt to rally American support for a second front in Europe. The Red Army was suffering heavy casualties; Stalin needed a second front to divide German forces that were swiftly conquering Eastern Europe and moving deeper into Soviet territory.

Pavlichenko became the first Soviet citizen welcomed to the White House. The two women quickly became life-long friends. The First Lady then asked Pavlichenko to join her on a tour of the United States so that Pavlichenko could speak to Americans about her experience as a woman in combat. Courtesy of the Library of Congress. Twenty-five years old, wounded in battle four times, and speaking no English, Pavlichenko set off for a tour of the United States. She gave speeches around the country making the case for an American commitment to fighting in Europe, often in front of thousands of Americans who gathered to see a battle-hardened woman in uniform. But, American press often found more interest in topics such as her style or her lack of makeup.

Articles written in the papers often belittled her achievements. In contrast, her long, olive green skirt made her look fat. She was asked by another reporter if women were allowed to wear makeup on the front lines. Pavlichenko addressing the audience at the Washington D. International Youth Assembly in Pushing aside the outlandish and sexist questions, she began to find her voice. Pavlichenko continued to travel across the United States, rallying for support and sharing her experiences from the front line.

In a speech given in Chicago, Pavlichenko stated:. Her statement was met by applause and an uproar of support. During her tour in America, she often spoke of the lack of racial segregation within the Red Army and gender equality. Despite her efforts, she and Stalin would have to wait two years before the Allies opened a second front in Europe with Operation Overlord, the Allied invasion into Normandy.

She went on to complete her studies at Kiev University and became a historian. The black press covered the Black Cabinet extensively, thereby introducing African American readers to the cohort of black professionals who advised the Roosevelt administration. By , one hundred African Americans served in administrative positions in the New Deal. But the Black Cabinet was not a formal government institution and Bethune convened its meetings in her office or apartment. Members of the Black Cabinet worked in concert with civil rights organizations to pressure New Deal agencies and programs to end racial bias.

For example, in , the CCC had enrolled a paltry number of young black men. But, after the NAACP put pressure on the CCC, two hundred thousand African American men participated in the program by , and one-fifth of them learned to read and write while enrolled. In the rural South, African American men and women flocked to literacy classes, which enabled them to learn to read and supplement the poor education they had received in deeply underfunded schools, or even attend school for the first time in their lives see figure 3.

By the end of the s, black illiteracy fell by 10 percent. Figure 3. Despite the presence of racial advisors, however, many New Deal programs failed to address the black structural inequalities that lay at the root of American society. This practice actually created a housing shortage for African Americans in segregated cities and paved the way for urban renewal programs in the postwar era. When Congress created the United States Housing Authority in , the bureau did not issue mortgages to African Americans in racially integrated neighborhoods. New Deal programs were especially challenged to improve the lives of rural black southerners, which was a source of continual frustration. The Agricultural Adjustment Act tried to increase crop prices by paying farmers to decrease their acreage.

But the AAA lacked programs to assist black sharecroppers, who could not receive these payments because they were not landowners. The Resettlement Administration tried to relocate southerners to planned communities, but ultimately, only 1, black families were able to benefit from this program. By , 30 percent of African Americans were recipients of New Deal relief programs and many turned their political allegiances in these shifting times. The election marked a major test for black politics. In his bid for a second term in office, FDR actively courted the black vote, envisioning African Americans as a part of his expanding electoral coalition that included workers, European immigrants, and white southerners.

President Roosevelt was very delicate on the race question. Without supporting anti-lynching legislation publicly, he appealed to black voters by touting his record of black appointments and government programs that assisted African Americans. By the mids, black voter registration was at an all-time high in cities such as Philadelphia, Chicago, and Detroit. In southern cities, some African Americans had managed to escape the barriers of disfranchisement and formed Democratic political clubs.

Furthermore, the black press received seats in the press box, a black minister, Marshall L. Shepard, delivered the invocation, and black politicians delivered addresses. McDuffie traveled to midwestern cities where she held rallies and spoke to a total of fifty thousand black citizens. As the child of former slaves, McDuffie argued that the New Deal represented a second emancipation for African Americans. He captured 61 percent of the total vote, but he won 76 percent of the black vote.

In this election, he cemented the relationship between African Americans and the Democratic Party. While African Americans caused a major political realignment by switching from the Republican to the Democratic Parties, they also formed new protest organizations and deployed strategies of mass action in order to achieve racial justice. African Americans frequently reached out to their local branches or the national organization, and the NAACP was swift to conduct investigations and assisted thousands of African Americans across the country. This legal team won landmark cases: Murray v.

Maryland in and Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada in , which both whittled away at racial segregation in professional and graduate schools. Kentucky in which opened jury service to African Americans. All but the youngest were given a death sentence by electrocution in Alabama courts. African Americans also formed new organizations to fight for their economic rights and political interests in the s. In , black sharecroppers in Alabama established the Alabama Sharecroppers Union in connection with the CP and by , it had four thousand members. Black women evaluated the strength of their organizations and tested new strategies. However, the NCNW was largely a middle-class organization that did not directly assist working-class women.

In , John P. By the late s, the NNC established seventy-five local chapters across the country. Men, women, and especially, young people, banded together with these new protest organizations to stage militant campaigns across the country. Activists in the NNC fought to broaden New Deal programs, improve living conditions for African Americans, organize black workers into industrial labor unions, protest disfranchisement, and protect all African Americans from interracial violence, especially lynching and police brutality.

Citizens picketed the white-owned stores and restaurants in black neighborhoods that did not hire black workers. Sanitary Grocery in These grassroots protests in the s demonstrated the power of mass action and would help to inspire protests in the postwar era. Not only did African Americans fight for jobs, but they also formed labor unions within different industries. In , Congress passed the Wagner Act, which upheld the right of workers to organize labor unions, participate in collective bargaining, and stage strikes, which nurtured a more supportive climate for industrial black workers. The CIO made racial equality central to its organization by fighting against pay scales and hiring black organizers in all of its unions. During the New Deal era, domestic workers suffered from abject poverty.

Not only were they excluded from the Social Security Act, but white families reeling from the Depression fired servants or slashed wages. The positions paid higher wages than domestic service and offered retirement benefits, and when the federal government announced it was accepting applications for these positions, between ten thousand and twenty thousand black women showed up to apply for these jobs. Many had spent the night at the station in order to obtain a good place in line. Their numbers were so large that officials had to stop distributing applications and turn toward crowd control.

When women learned that they could not receive job applications, they began to express anger and frustration as white police officers were dispatched to contain the crowds of rioting women. Black women and men who had suffered disproportionately from unemployment sometimes turned to the underground economy for survival. African Americans held rent parties, played numbers games, joined economic cooperatives, engaged in petty theft, and traded in sex to survive the effects of the Depression. The visibility of African Americans in this era—whether they were marching in picket lines, staging boycotts, or rioting for jobs—underscored a new era in their culture of protest.

Simultaneously, art, photography, writing, and oral history offered African Americans bountiful opportunities to recast their image in American culture and speak some of their truths. Through the New Deal, the federal government first began to finance arts projects that, in turn, involved significant black engagement. The FWP also dispatched interviewers to travel to the South and interview thousands of former slaves in the United States, which became an invaluable resource for historians of slavery. Finally, the Farm Security Administration FSA hired photographers to travel across the country and document the lives of ordinary Americans. Not only did the FSA recruit black photographers, but white photographers also snapped searing and indelible images of African Americans.

Collectively, all of these initiatives enabled African Americans to defy some of the pernicious racial stereotypes that were perpetuated against them throughout American culture. During the s, cities such as Chicago, New York, and Washington, DC, had witnessed the flourishing of black arts through literature, poetry, painting, film, and playwriting. These artistic communities laid the groundwork for black participation in New Deal artistic programs. Prior to the FTP, most black actors were limited to artistic opportunities related to minstrelsy. In rare cases, black actors were able to perform in the early phase of black film with auteurs, such as Oscar Micheaux.

Black performers not only acted in plays with themes rooted in African American history and culture, such as racial prejudice, the Haitian Revolution, and lynching, but they also performed all-black productions of Macbeth and Swing Mikado , which reset expectations about black actors portraying historical white and Asian characters. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, and the poet Sterling Brown. These writers documented the contributions of African Americans to United States history and culture.

In the mids, the last generation of enslaved men and women were about to die. Members of the FWP recognized that this project represented a transformative opportunity for interviewers to speak with the men and women who had survived the trauma of racial slavery and narrate their experiences. Prior to the ex-slave narrative project, the vast majority of historiography about racial slavery was written from the viewpoint of white masters and mistresses. By inviting former slaves to share their recollections and offer their personal testimony, the nation would be able to reckon with its traumatic past. Between and , dozens of black and white researchers traveled to the American South to interview over two thousand former slaves.

When the project had concluded, they had amassed ten thousand typed pages and thousands of hours of testimony. These interviews proved invaluable in illuminating some of the hidden worlds of slavery, including sexual violence, physical brutality, and black survival strategies. The vast majority of these former slaves had regional accents, or in some cases, spoke in black dialect. Since white interviewers conducted the majority of the interviews, power relations were imbalanced and former slaves were not as direct as they would be with black researchers, especially around issues of trauma and sexual violence.

Moreover, the interviews starkly illuminated the abject poverty that former slaves experienced. In addition to listening to African Americans through testimony, the FSA hired a series of black and white photographers, who traveled across the country to visualize African Americans and black culture in the s see figure 4. Photography was a revolutionary instrument that could be wielded for social change. In this era, mass culture, such as advertisements, cartoons, and films, depicted African Americans in derogatory stereotypes as lazy, immature, childlike, and dangerous. These stereotypes were not simply abstract images, but rather, evidence that fueled a social, cultural, and political narrative about who African Americans were.

These photographs helped to give a human face to African Americans who were suffering as ordinary Americans. These images revealed the complexities of black life across the country. His image of Ella Watson, a charwoman in the federal government, dramatically portrayed her between an American flag and a broom, meditating on a black woman who literally mopped the floors of the federal government yet was denied access to major government programs. It is now known as the black American gothic see figure 5. Figure 4. In this photograph, Dorothea Lange depicts a year-old sharecropper boy in Americus, Georgia, in an image that defies racial stereotypes. Figure 5. In his photograph of government charwoman Ella Watson, Gordon Parks meditates on a black woman who cleans government offices, yet is excluded from government programs.

Government charwoman. Anderson was a classically trained opera singer popular among both black and white audiences. After a protracted battle to find a place where Anderson could perform, a coalition contacted Interior Secretary Harold Ickes, who had been an important white ally for African Americans in the New Deal. Her concert foreshadowed future civil rights demonstrations, most notably the iconic March on Washington in The Great Depression and New Deal represented a watershed moment for African Americans throughout the country and reshaped the 20th-century trajectory of black life in the United States. By , black politics had undergone a radical change. The majority of voters now identified with the Democratic Party and used the party as a vehicle for civil rights and economic justice.

Through the Black Cabinet and racial advisors, the federal government now turned toward African Americans for advice on the distribution of programs. African Americans scored important legal victories in the United States with the right to serve on juries, stage pickets, and integrate some graduate and professional schools. These legal triumphs were crucial ingredients for the landmark Supreme Court decision Brown v. Leaders such as Robert Weaver and William Hastie had experimented with non-discrimination clauses and quota systems that would pave the way for this implementation on a national level as well as the rise of affirmative action in the United States in the s.

At the grassroots level, black women and men formed local organizations, staged economic boycotts, picketed businesses, joined labor unions, and engaged in strikes and riots for better jobs. Black women brought their deep organizational networks to all of these campaigns and played a transformative role in the struggle for racial equality and justice. Culturally, African Americans were able to defy racial stereotypes and illuminate the beautiful complexities and contradictions of the black experience in the United States. Since the institutionalization of African American History in the s, scholars have devoted significant attention toward the periods of the Great Depression and New Deal eras, and this historiographical literature reflects a rich and complex body of work.

Early historians focused on the relationship between African Americans and the New Deal, especially as it related to region. In the early 21st century , historians have focused less on electoral realignment and interracial alliances, and more on the ways that African Americans worked at the grassroots level to wage an early civil rights movement in the United States. Materson analyzes the political activism of both migrant women and clubwomen. Finally, cultural historians have analyzed black participation in New Deal arts programs. The majority of these collections are housed at the National Archives II in College Park, Maryland, and many have finding aids that list the Negro division for each branch and contain a wealth of materials.

Additionally, New Deal Agencies and Black Americans offers a curated set of documents that can be a helpful entry point for further research. The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Censuses can illuminate information about the lives of ordinary Americans and whether they were the beneficiary of government programs. These census records are available at any branch of the National Archives or through ancestry. The s and s were a golden age in the black press.

To chronicle some of the political activities as well as everyday experiences, newspapers such as the Baltimore Afro-American , the Chicago Defender , the New York Amsterdam News , the Norfolk Journal and Guide , and the Pittsburgh Courier are all excellent resources, and they are digitized through ProQuest. Additionally, the Crisis and Opportunity were two periodicals that offered updates about black life and activism in the s. The Prints and Photographs Division at the Library of Congress have all of the FSA photographs, and the digital website Photogrammar from Yale has digitized the photographs in an excellent database that is searchable by region, photographer, and subject.

Robin D. Vicki L. Sitkoff, A New Deal for Blacks , 34— Nancy A. Louis Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, , 39— Weiss, Farewell to the Party of Lincoln , 16— Kenneth J. John Braeman, Robert H. James C. Weiss, Farewell to the Party of Lincoln , — Sullivan, Days of Hope , 24— Weiss, Farewell to the Party of Lincoln , 67— Marc W. Henry Louis Taylor Jr.

Sullivan, Lift Every Voice , — Mark V. James A. Miller, Susan D. Dan T.

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