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This type of planning is hard. To name another example, consider the common practice of setting up regularly occurring meetings for projects. These meetings tend to pile up and fracture schedules to the point where sustained focus during the day becomes impossible. Why do they persist? For many, these standing meetings become a simple but blunt form of personal organization.
Instead of trying to manage their time and obligations themselves, they let the impending meeting each week force them to take some action on a given project and more generally provide a highly visible simulacrum of progress. A little more care in crafting the message by the sender could reduce the overall time spent by all parties by a significant fraction. So why are these easily avoidable and time-sucking e-mails so common? The Principle of Least Resistance, protected from scrutiny by the metric black hole, supports work cultures that save us from the short-term discomfort of concentration and planning, at the expense of long-term satisfaction and the production of real value. Busyness as a Proxy for Productivity There are a lot of things difficult about being a professor at a research-oriented university.
But one benefit that this profession enjoys is clarity. The answer to this question can even be quantified as a single number, such as the h-index: a formula, named for its inventor, Jorge Hirsch, that processes your publication and citation counts into a single value that approximates your impact on your field. In computer science, for example, an h-index score above 40 is difficult to achieve and once reached is considered the mark of a strong long-term career. Google Scholar, a tool popular among academics for finding research papers, even calculates your h-index automatically so you can be reminded, multiple times per week, precisely where you stand. This clarity simplifies decisions about what work habits a professor adopts or abandons.
Clarity about what matters provides clarity about what does not. The feeling of taking a broken machine, struggling with it, then eventually enjoying a tangible indication that he had succeeded the bike driving out of the shop under its own power provides a concrete sense of accomplishment he struggled to replicate when his day revolved vaguely around reports and communications strategies. A similar reality creates problems for many knowledge workers. They have no rising h-index or rack of repaired motorcycles to point to as evidence of their worth. To understand this claim, recall that with the rise of assembly lines came the rise of the Efficiency Movement, identified with its founder, Frederic Taylor, who would famously stand with a stopwatch monitoring the efficiency of worker movements—looking for ways to increase the speed at which they accomplished their tasks.
Busyness as Proxy for Productivity: In the absence of clear indicators of what it means to be productive and valuable in their jobs, many knowledge workers turn back toward an industrial indicator of productivity: doing lots of stuff in a visible manner. This mind-set provides another explanation for the popularity of many depth-destroying behaviors. If you send and answer e-mails at all hours, if you schedule and attend meetings constantly, if you weigh in on instant message systems like Hall within seconds when someone poses a new question, or if you roam your open office bouncing ideas off all whom you encounter—all of these behaviors make you seem busy in a public manner.
This mind-set is not necessarily irrational. For some, their jobs really do depend on such behavior. She was, in some sense, punishing her employees for not spending more time checking e-mail one of the primary reasons to log in to the servers. Remember, for example, Adam Grant, the academic from our last chapter who became the youngest full professor at Wharton by repeatedly shutting himself off from the outside world to concentrate on writing. Such behavior is the opposite of being publicly busy. If Grant worked for Yahoo, Marissa Mayer might have fired him. But this deep strategy turned out to produce a massive amount of value. We could, of course, eliminate this anachronistic commitment to busyness if we could easily demonstrate its negative impact on the bottom line, but the metric black hole enters the scene at this point and prevents such clarity.
This potent mixture of job ambiguity and lack of metrics to measure the effectiveness of different strategies allows behavior that can seem ridiculous when viewed objectively to thrive in the increasingly bewildering psychic landscape of our daily work. All it takes is an ideology seductive enough to convince you to discard common sense. Before that she was the bureau chief in Kabul, Afghanistan, where she reported from the front lines on the postwar reconstruction.
Rubin, in other words, is a serious journalist who is good at her craft. She also, at what I can only assume is the persistent urging of her employer, tweets. With few exceptions, the tweets simply mention an article she recently read and liked. Rubin is a reporter, not a media personality. Her value to her paper is her ability to cultivate important sources, pull together facts, and write articles that make a splash. So why is Alissa Rubin urged to regularly interrupt this necessarily deep work to provide, for free, shallow content to a service run by an unrelated media company based out of Silicon Valley?
And perhaps even more important, why does this behavior seem so normal to most people? A foundation for our answer can be found in a warning provided by the late communication theorist and New York University professor Neil Postman. Writing in the early s, as the personal computer revolution first accelerated, Postman argued that our society was sliding into a troubling relationship with technology.
We were, he noted, no longer discussing the trade-offs surrounding new technologies, balancing the new efficiencies against the new problems introduced. Case closed. It does not make them immoral. It does not even make them unpopular. It makes them invisible and therefore irrelevant. Fortunately, Postman has an intellectual heir to continue this argument in the Internet Age: the hypercitational social critic Evgeny Morozov. We no longer see Internet tools as products released by for-profit companies, funded by investors hoping to make a return, and run by twentysomethings who are often making things up as they go along.
This Internet-centrism to steal another Morozov term is what technopoly looks like today. In an Internet-centric technopoly such a statement is the equivalent of a flag burning —desecration, not debate. Perhaps the near universal reach of this mind-set is best captured in an experience I had recently on my commute to the Georgetown campus where I work. Waiting for the light to change so I could cross Connecticut Avenue, I idled behind a truck from a refrigerated supply chain logistics company. Refrigerated shipping is a complex, competitive business that requires equal skill managing trade unions and route scheduling. Even worse, to support deep work often requires the rejection of much of what is new and high-tech.
Deep work is exiled in favor of more distracting high-tech behaviors, like the professional use of social media, not because the former is empirically inferior to the latter. Bad for Business. Good for You. All of these trends are enabled by the difficulty of directly measuring the value of depth or the cost of ignoring it. But for you, as an individual, good news lurks. The myopia of your peers and employers uncovers a great personal advantage. Assuming the trends outlined here continue, depth will become increasingly rare and therefore increasingly valuable. He specializes in ancient and medieval metalworking practices, which he painstakingly re- creates in his shop, Door County Forgeworks. This is the antithesis of my goal and to that end all my work shows evidence of the two hands that made it.
We learn that he works in a converted barn in Wisconsin farm country, not far inland from the scenic Sturgeon Bay of Lake Michigan. Furrer often leaves the barn doors open to vent the heat of the forges, one suspects , his efforts framed by farm fields stretching to the horizon. The setting is idyllic but the work can seem, at first encounter, brutish. In the documentary, Furrer is trying to re-create a Viking-era sword. He begins by using a fifteen-hundred-year- old technique to smelt crucible steel: an unusually pure for the period form of the metal. The result is an ingot, not much bigger than three or four stacked smartphones. This dense ingot must then be shaped and polished into a long and elegant sword blade.
As you watch Furrer work, however, the sense of the labor shifts. He peers intently at the metal, through thin-framed intellectual glasses which seem out of place perched above his heavy beard and broad shoulders , turning it just so for each impact. After a moment of relief that the blade did not crack into pieces—a common occurrence at this step—Furrer pulls it from the oil. Furrer holds the burning sword up above his head with a single powerful arm and stares at it a moment before blowing out the fire. During this brief pause, the flames illuminate his face, and his admiration is palpable. But I have to make them. This connection between deep work and a good life is familiar and widely accepted when considering the world of craftsmen.
And we believe him. But when we shift our attention to knowledge work this connection is muddied. Part of the issue is clarity. Craftsmen like Furrer tackle professional challenges that are simple to define but difficult to execute—a useful imbalance when seeking purpose. Knowledge work exchanges this clarity for ambiguity. It can be hard to define exactly what a given knowledge worker does and how it differs from another: On our worst days, it can seem that all knowledge work boils down to the same exhausting roil of e-mails and PowerPoint, with only the charts used in the slides differentiating one career from another.
As elaborated in the last chapter, we live in an era where anything Internet related is understood by default to be innovative and necessary. Depth-destroying behaviors such as immediate e-mail responses and an active social media presence are lauded, while avoidance of these trends generates suspicion. The goal of this chapter is to convince you that deep work can generate as much satisfaction in an information economy as it so clearly does in a craft economy. These arguments roughly follow a trajectory from the conceptually narrow to broad: starting with a neurological perspective, moving to the psychological, and ending with the philosophical.
The thesis of this final chapter in Part 1, therefore, is that a deep life is not just economically lucrative, but also a life well lived. Her life during this period should have been mired in fear and pity, but it was instead, she noted, often quite pleasant. Her curiosity piqued, Gallagher set out to better understand the role that attention—that is, what we choose to focus on and what we choose to ignore—plays in defining the quality of our life. This concept upends the way most people think about their subjective experience of life. We tend to place a lot of emphasis on our circumstances, assuming that what happens to us or fails to happen determines how we feel. According to Gallagher, decades of research contradict this understanding.
Our brains instead construct our worldview based on what we pay attention to. If you focus on a cancer diagnosis, you and your life become unhappy and dark, but if you focus instead on an evening martini, you and your life become more pleasant—even though the circumstances in both scenarios are the same. She cites, for example, the University of North Carolina psychologist Barbara Fredrickson: a researcher who specializes in the cognitive appraisal of emotions.
She provides the example of a couple fighting over inequitable splitting of household chores. Scientists can watch this effect in action all the way down to the neurological level. She found that for young people, their amygdala a center of emotion fired with activity at both types of imagery. When she instead scanned the elderly, the amygdala fired only for the positive images. Carstensen hypothesizes that the elderly subjects had trained the prefrontal cortex to inhibit the amygdala in the presence of negative stimuli. These elderly subjects were not happier because their life circumstances were better than those of the young subjects; they were instead happier because they had rewired their brains to ignore the negative and savor the positive.
By skillfully managing their attention, they improved their world without changing anything concrete about it. This theory tells us that your world is the outcome of what you pay attention to, so consider for a moment the type of mental world constructed when you dedicate significant time to deep endeavors. There is, however, a hidden but equally important benefit to cultivating rapt attention in your workday: Such concentration hijacks your attention apparatus, preventing you from noticing the many smaller and less pleasant things that unavoidably and persistently populate our lives.
Consider, for example, the last five e-mails I sent before I began writing the first draft of this chapter. This message was in response to a standard scam in which a company tries to trick website owners into registering their domain in China. This message was a conversation with a family member about an article he saw in the Wall Street Journal. This e-mail was part of a conversation about optimal retirement investment strategies. This e-mail was part of a conversation in which I was attempting to find a time to meet with someone I know who was visiting my city—a task complicated by his fractured schedule during his visit. Some of the issues presented in these sample messages are benign, such as discussing an interesting article, some are vaguely stressful, such as the conversation on retirement savings strategies a type of conversation which almost always concludes with you not doing the right things , some are frustrating, such as trying to arrange a meeting around busy schedules, and some are explicitly negative, such as angry responses to scammers or worried discussions about office politics.
Many knowledge workers spend most of their working day interacting with these types of shallow concerns. The implication of these findings is clear. In the early s, Csikszentmihalyi, working with Reed Larson, a young colleague at the University of Chicago, invented a new technique for understanding the psychological impact of everyday behaviors. At the time, it was difficult to accurately measure the psychological impact of different activities. If you brought someone into a laboratory and asked her to remember how she felt at a specific point many hours ago, she was unlikely to recall.
In more detail, they outfitted experimental subjects with pagers. These pagers would beep at randomly selected intervals in modern incarnations of this method, smartphone apps play the same role. When the beeper went off, the subjects would record what they were doing at the exact moment and how they felt. In some cases, they would be provided with a journal in which to record this information while in others they would be given a phone number to call to answer questions posed by a field- worker. Because the beeps were only occasional but hard to ignore, the subjects were likely to follow through with the experimental procedure. Csikszentmihalyi and Larson called the approach the experience sampling method ESM , and it provided unprecedented insight into how we actually feel about the beats of our daily lives.
At the time, this finding pushed back against conventional wisdom. Most people assumed and still do that relaxation makes them happy. We want to work less and spend more time in the hammock. Free time, on the other hand, is unstructured, and requires much greater effort to be shaped into something that can be enjoyed. When measured empirically, people were happier at work and less happy relaxing than they suspected. Human beings, it seems, are at their best when immersed deeply in something challenging.
There is, of course, overlap between the theory of flow and the ideas of Winifred Gallagher highlighted in the last section. Both point toward the importance of depth over shallowness, but they focus on two different explanations for this importance. Though he would likely agree with the research cited by Gallagher, his theory notes that the feeling of going deep is in itself very rewarding. Our minds like this challenge, regardless of the subject. The connection between deep work and flow should be clear: Deep work is an activity well suited to generate a flow state the phrases used by Csikszentmihalyi to describe what generates flow include notions of stretching your mind to its limits, concentrating, and losing yourself in an activity—all of which also describe deep work.
And as we just learned, flow generates happiness. Combining these two ideas we get a powerful argument from psychology in favor of depth. This, ultimately, is the lesson to come away with from our brief foray into the world of experimental psychology: To build your working life around the experience of flow produced by deep work is a proven path to deep satisfaction. In , Dreyfus and Kelly published a book, All Things Shining, which explores how notions of sacredness and meaning have evolved throughout the history of human culture.
The short answer, the authors argue, is Descartes. The resulting Enlightenment, of course, led to the concept of human rights and freed many from oppression. But as Dreyfus and Kelly emphasize, for all its good in the political arena, in the domain of the metaphysical this thinking stripped the world of the order and sacredness essential to creating meaning. To illustrate this claim, they use as an organizing example an account of a master wheelwright—the now lost profession of shaping wooden wagon wheels. Its subtle virtues call out to be cultivated and cared for. As Dreyfus and Kelly explain, such sacredness is common to craftsmanship.
At the same time, this meaning seems safer than the sources cited in previous eras. The wheelwright, the authors imply, cannot easily use the inherent quality of a piece of pine to justify a despotic monarchy. Once understood, we can connect this sacredness inherent in traditional craftsmanship to the world of knowledge work. To do so, there are two key observations we must first make. Any pursuit—be it physical or cognitive—that supports high levels of skill can also generate a sense of sacredness. Gonzalez discusses computer programming similarly to the way woodworkers discuss their craft in the passages quoted by Dreyfus and Kelly.
A similar potential for craftsmanship can be found in most skilled jobs in the information economy. But this is flawed thinking that our consideration of traditional craftsmanship can help correct. In our current culture, we place a lot of emphasis on job description. In this way of thinking, there are some rarified jobs that can be a source of satisfaction—perhaps working in a nonprofit or starting a software company—while all others are soulless and bland. The philosophy of Dreyfus and Kelly frees us from such traps. The meaning uncovered by such efforts is due to the skill and appreciation inherent in craftsmanship—not the outcomes of their work.
Put another way, a wooden wheel is not noble, but its shaping can be. The same applies to knowledge work. The second key observation about this line of argument is that cultivating craftsmanship is necessarily a deep task and therefore requires a commitment to deep work. Recall that I argued in Chapter 1 that deep work is necessary to hone skills and to then apply them at an elite level—the core activities in craft.
Deep work, therefore, is key to extracting meaning from your profession in the manner described by Dreyfus and Kelly. Homo Sapiens Deepensis The first two chapters of Part 1 were pragmatic. They argued that deep work is becoming increasingly valuable in our economy at the same time that it also is becoming increasingly rare for somewhat arbitrary reasons. The pages ahead describe a rigorous program for transforming your professional life into one centered on depth. This is a difficult transition, and as with many such efforts, well- reasoned, pragmatic arguments can motivate you only to a certain point. Eventually, the goal you pursue needs to resonate at a more human level.
This chapter argues that when it comes to the embrace of depth, such resonance is inevitable. Whether you approach the activity of going deep from the perspective of neuroscience, psychology, or lofty philosophy, these paths all seem to lead back to a connection between depth and meaning. Dewane is an architecture professor, and therefore likes to explore the intersection between the conceptual and the concrete. The Eudaimonia Machine is a good example of this intersection. I was, as you might expect, intrigued. As Dewane explained the machine to me, he grabbed a pen to sketch its proposed layout. The structure is a one-story narrow rectangle made up of five rooms, placed in a line, one after another. In here, Dewane imagines access to high- quality coffee and perhaps even a full bar.
There are also couches and Wi-Fi. Beyond the salon you enter the library. This room stores a permanent record of all work produced in the machine, as well as the books and other resources used in this previous work. There will be copiers and scanners for gathering and collecting the information you need for your project. It contains a standard conference room with a whiteboard and some cubicles with desks. Dewane imagines an administrator with a desk in the office who could help its users improve their work habits to optimize their efficiency. He imagines a process in which you spend ninety minutes inside, take a ninety-minute break, and repeat two or three times—at which point your brain will have achieved its limit of concentration for the day. For now, the Eudaimonia Machine exists only as a collection of architectural drawings, but even as a plan, its potential to support impactful work excites Dewane.
Unfortunately, this vision is far from our current reality. We instead find ourselves in distracting open offices where inboxes cannot be neglected and meetings are incessant—a setting where colleagues would rather you respond quickly to their latest e-mail than produce the best possible results. This rule—the first of four such rules in Part 2 of this book—is designed to reduce this conflict.
You might not have access to your own Eudaimonia Machine, but the strategies that follow will help you simulate its effects in your otherwise distracted professional life. Rules 2 through 4 will then help you get the most out of this deep work habit by presenting, among other things, strategies for training your concentration ability and fighting back encroaching distractions. Before proceeding to these strategies, however, I want to first address a question that might be nagging you: Why do we need such involved interventions? Do we really need something as complicated as the Eudaimonia Machine or its equivalent for something as simple as remembering to concentrate more often?
Unfortunately, when it comes to replacing distraction with focus, matters are not so simple. Most people recognize that this urge can complicate efforts to concentrate on hard things, but most underestimate its regularity and strength. Consider a study, led by psychologists Wilhelm Hofmann and Roy Baumeister, that outfitted adults with beepers that activated at randomly selected times this is the experience sampling method discussed in Part 1.
When the beeper sounded, the subject was asked to pause for a moment to reflect on desires that he or she was currently feeling or had felt in the last thirty minutes, and then answer a set of questions about these desires. After a week, the researchers had gathered more than 7, samples. You might respond at this point that you will succeed where these subjects failed because you understand the importance of depth and will therefore be more rigorous in your will to remain concentrated. This is a noble sentiment, but the decades of research that preceded this study underscore its futility. A now voluminous line of inquiry, initiated in a series of pioneering papers also written by Roy Baumeister, has established the following important and at the time, unexpected truth about willpower: You have a finite amount of willpower that becomes depleted as you use it.
This is why the subjects in the Hofmann and Baumeister study had such a hard time fighting desires—over time these distractions drained their finite pool of willpower until they could no longer resist. Such attempts will therefore frequently fail. With this in mind, the six strategies that follow can be understood as an arsenal of routines and rituals designed with the science of limited willpower in mind to maximize the amount of deep work you consistently accomplish in your schedule. You could just try to make deep work a priority. But supporting this decision with the strategies that follow—or strategies of your own devising that are motivated by the same principles—will significantly increase the probability that you succeed in making deep work a crucial part of your professional life.
Chappell, by contrast, deploys a rhythmic strategy in which he works for the same hours five to seven thirty a. Both approaches work, but not universally. You need your own philosophy for integrating deep work into your professional life. But this example highlights a general warning about this selection: You must be careful to choose a philosophy that fits your specific circumstances, as a mismatch here can derail your deep work habit before it has a chance to solidify. Among his peers, however, Knuth also maintains an aura of infamy for his approach to electronic communication. Email is a wonderful thing for people whose role in life is to be on top of things.
But not for me; my role is to be on the bottom of things. What I do takes long hours of studying and uninterruptible concentration. He notes that writing his books requires communication with thousands of people and that he wants to be responsive to questions and comments. His solution? He provides an address—a postal mailing address. He says that his administrative assistant will sort through any letters arriving at that address and put aside those that she thinks are relevant. Knuth deploys what I call the monastic philosophy of deep work scheduling. This philosophy attempts to maximize deep efforts by eliminating or radically minimizing shallow obligations.
Another person committed to monastic deep work is the acclaimed science fiction writer Neal Stephenson. We can gain insight into this omission from a pair of essays that Stephenson posted on his early website hosted on The Well back in the early s, and which have been preserved by the Internet Archive. Please do not ask for them. This accounts for why I am a bad correspondent and why I very rarely accept speaking engagements.
If I organize my life in such a way that I get lots of long, consecutive, uninterrupted time-chunks, I can write novels. But as those chunks get separated and fragmented, my productivity as a novelist drops spectacularly. Stephenson sees two mutually exclusive options: He can write good novels at a regular rate, or he can answer a lot of individual e-mails and attend conferences, and as a result produce lower- quality novels at a slower rate.
He chose the former option, and this choice requires him to avoid as much as possible any source of shallow work in his professional life. This issue is so important to Stephenson that he went on to explore its implications—positive and negative—in his science fiction epic, Anathem, which considers a world where an intellectual elite live in monastic orders, isolated from the distracted masses and technology, thinking deep thoughts.
In my experience, the monastic philosophy makes many knowledge workers defensive. The clarity with which its adherents identify their value to the world, I suspect, touches a raw nerve for those whose contribution to the information economy is more complex. In the s, at the same time that Jung was attempting to break away from the strictures of his mentor, Sigmund Freud, he began regular retreats to a rustic stone house he built in the woods outside the small town of Bollingen. When there, Jung would lock himself every morning into a minimally appointed room to write without interruption. In recalling this story I want to emphasize something important: Jung did not deploy a monastic approach to deep work.
Donald Knuth and Neal Stephenson, our examples from earlier, attempted to completely eliminate distraction and shallowness from their professional lives. Jung, by contrast, sought this elimination only during the periods he spent at his retreat. This philosophy asks that you divide your time, dedicating some clearly defined stretches to deep pursuits and leaving the rest open to everything else. During the deep time, the bimodal worker will act monastically—seeking intense and uninterrupted concentration. During the shallow time, such focus is not prioritized. This division of time between deep and open can happen on multiple scales. For example, on the scale of a week, you might dedicate a four-day weekend to depth and the rest to open time.
Similarly, on the scale of a year, you might dedicate one season to contain most of your deep stretches as many academics do over the summer or while on sabbatical. The bimodal philosophy believes that deep work can produce extreme productivity, but only if the subject dedicates enough time to such endeavors to reach maximum cognitive intensity—the state in which real breakthroughs occur. This is why the minimum unit of time for deep work in this philosophy tends to be at least one full day.
To put aside a few hours in the morning, for example, is too short to count as a deep work stretch for an adherent of this approach. At the same time, the bimodal philosophy is typically deployed by people who cannot succeed in the absence of substantial commitments to non-deep pursuits. Jung, for example, needed his clinical practice to pay the bills and the Zurich coffeehouse scene to stimulate his thinking. The approach of shifting between two modes provides a way to serve both needs well. To provide a more modern example of the bimodal philosophy in action, we can once again consider Adam Grant, the Wharton Business School professor whose thoughtfulness about work habits was first introduced in Part 1.
On the scale of the academic year, he stacked his courses into one semester, so that he could focus the other on deep work. During these deep semesters he then applied the bimodal approach on the weekly scale. He would, perhaps once or twice a month, take a period of two to four days to become completely monastic. He would shut his door, put an out-of-office auto-responder on his e-mail, and work on his research without interruption. Outside of these deep sessions, Grant remained famously open and accessible. In some sense, he had to be: His bestseller, Give and Take, promotes the practice of giving of your time and attention, without expectation of something in return, as a key strategy in professional advancement.
Perhaps the biggest obstacle to implementing this philosophy is that even short periods of deep work require a flexibility that many fear they lack in their current positions. If even an hour away from your inbox makes you uncomfortable, then certainly the idea of disappearing for a day or more at a time will seem impossible. But I suspect bimodal working is compatible with more types of jobs than you might guess. In this study, a group of management consultants were asked to disconnect for a full day each workweek. The consultants were afraid the client would rebel. It was during this period that a writer and comic named Brad Isaac, who was working open mic nights at the time, ran into Seinfeld at a club waiting to go on stage.
I had to ask Seinfeld if he had any tips for a young comic. What he told me was something that would benefit me for a lifetime. Seinfeld continued by describing a specific technique he used to help maintain this discipline. He keeps a calendar on his wall. Every day that he writes jokes he crosses out the date on the calendar with a big red X. Your only job next is to not break the chain.And as we Malcolm Xs Fight For Freedom And Civil Rights learned, flow generates happiness. There Malcolm Xs Fight For Freedom And Civil Rights no electricity at Malcolm Xs Fight For Freedom And Civil Rights Tower, so as day gave way to night, light came from oil lamps and heat Malcolm Xs Fight For Freedom And Civil Rights the fireplace. My attorney, Ron Kuley, will read my letter at a press conference after this is over. Who: Fyodor Dostoyevsky. Or even, frankly, Eleanor Roosevelt Contributions To America Essay [ beaner ]. Ferguson Separate but Malcolm Xs Fight For Freedom And Civil Rights Buchanan v. But this deep strategy turned out to produce Gary Landreths Play Therapy massive amount Malcolm Xs Fight For Freedom And Civil Rights value.