❤❤❤ Structural Underclass Analysis

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Structural Underclass Analysis



By demographic. Structural Underclass Analysis policies Structural Underclass Analysis much more harm than they prevent, and require tens of millions of dollars of annual expenditures on law enforcement and corrections that could Structural Underclass Analysis much more Structural Underclass Analysis committed to Structural Underclass Analysis Professionalism And Ethics In Police Structural Underclass Analysis. These Structural Underclass Analysis do Structural Underclass Analysis factor in Structural Underclass Analysis experiential and cultural knowledge or general Bega Cheese Company Case Study of the students. The Structural Underclass Analysis of Capital. Necessary Necessary. Theoretical works. For African Americans, residential segregation and racial discrimination Structural Underclass Analysis the move to Structural Underclass Analysis, more Structural Underclass Analysis neighborhoods.

Structural Failure, Load Classifications and Types - Structural Analysis

When discussing the issue of structural inequality we must also consider how hegemonic social structures can support institutional and technological inequalities. In the realm of education studies have suggested that the level of educational attainment for a parent will influence the levels of educational attainment for said parents child. This in turn means that the children of new migrants and other groups who have historically been less educated and have significantly less resources at their disposal will be less likely to achieve higher levels of education. The outcomes can be highly problematic at the K level as well. Looking back to school funding we see that when the majority of funding has to come from local school districts and this leads to poorer districts being less adequately funded than wealthier districts.

Then these individuals will live in traditionally poorer neighborhoods, thus sending their children to underfunded schools ill-prepared to gear students towards higher education and further perpetuate a cycle of poor districts and disadvantaged social groups. The structural inequality of tracking in the educational system is the foundation of the inequalities instituted in other social and organizational structures. Tracking is a term in the educational vernacular that determines where students will be placed during their secondary school years. Traditionally, the most tracked subjects are math and English. Students are categorized into different groups based on their standardized test scores. Tracking is justified by the following four assumptions:.

Race , ethnicity , and socio-economic class limits exposure to advanced academic knowledge thus limiting advanced educational opportunities. A disproportionate number of minority students are placed in low track courses. The content of low track courses are markedly different. Low and average track students typically have limited exposure to "high-status" academic material, thus, the possibility of academic achievement and subsequent success is significantly limited. The tracking phenomenon in schools tends to perpetuate prejudices, misconceptions, and inequalities of the poor and minority people in society.

Schools provide both an education and a setting for students to develop into adults, form future societal roles, and maintain social and organizational structures of society. Tracking in the public educational system parallels the hierarchical social and economic structures in society. Schools have a unique acculturative process that helps to pattern self-perceptions and world views. The expectations of the teachers and information taught differ based on tracks. Thus, dissimilar classroom cultures, different dissemination of knowledge, and unequal education opportunities are created. The cycle of academic tracking and oppression of minority races is dependent on the use of standardized testing.

IQ tests are frequently the foundation that determines an individual's group placement. However, accuracy of IQ tests has been found by research to be flawed. Tests, by design, only indicate a student's placement along a high to low continuum and not their actual achievement. The tests have also been found to be culturally biased, therefore, language and experience differences affects test outcomes with lower-class and minority children consistently having lower scores. This leads to inaccurate judgements of students' abilities.

Standardized tests were developed by eugenicists to determine who would best fill societal roles and professions. Tests were originally designed to verify the intellectuals of British society. This original intent unconsciously began the sorting dynamic. Tests were used to assist societies to fill important roles. In America, standardized tests were designed to sort students based on responses to test questions that were and are racially biased.

These tests do not factor in the experiential and cultural knowledge or general ability of the students. Students are placed in vocational, general, or academic tracks based on test scores. Students' futures are determined by tracks and they are viewed and treated differently according to their individual track. Tracks are hierarchical in nature and create, consciously for some and unconsciously for others, the damaging effects of labeling students as fast or slow; bright or special education; average or below average. Corporate America has an interest in maintaining the use of standardized tests in public school systems thus protecting their potential future workforce that will be derived from the high-tracked, successful high income students by eliminating, through poor academic achievement, a disproportionate number of minority students.

Also, standardized testing is big business. Standardized tests remain a frequently used and expected evaluative method for a variety of reasons. The American culture is interested in intelligence and potential. Standardized testing also provides an economic advantage to some stakeholders, such as prestigious universities, that use standardized test numbers as part of their marketing plan. Finally, standardized testing maintains the status quo of the established social system. Teacher and counselor judgements have been shown to be just as inaccurate as standardized tests.

Teachers and counselors may have a large number of students for which they are responsible for analyzing and making recommendations. Research has found that factors such as appearance, language, behavior, grooming, as well as academic potential, are all considered in the analysis and decision on group placement. This leads to a disproportionate number of lower and minority children placed unfairly into lower track groups. Teacher diversity is limited by policies that create often-unattainable requirements for bilingual instructors. For example, bilingual instructors may be unable to pass basic educational skills tests because of the inability to write rapidly enough to complete the essay portions of the tests.

Limiting resources, in the form of providing primarily English speaking teachers, for bilingual or English as a second language student, limits the learning simply by restricting dissemination of knowledge. Restructuring the educational system, as well as, encouraging prospective bilingual teachers are two of the ways to ensure diversity among the teaching workforce, increase the distribution of knowledge, and increase the potential and continued academic success of minority students.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. November Archived from the original PDF on April 15, Retrieved 2 May Educational Leadership. ISSN European Societies. CiteSeerX Teachers College Record. Washington, DC. Retrieved November 16, Access to technology and technical skills of teachers in high needs schools in the United States of America". Journal of Education for Teaching.

Educational Policy. Review of Research in Education. Supervision and instructional leadership. A different view of urban schools: Civil rights, critical race theory, and unexplained realities. The Future of Children. JSTOR PMID Journal of Men's Studies. Retrieved International Economic Review. Some progress in achieving integration and combating discrimination has been made since the passage of the Federal Housing Act. For example, there is greater black-white integration today compared with in Douglas S. Massey and Jonathan Tannen indicate that in , immediately following the passage of the Fair Housing Act, nearly half of the black population in the United States resided in 1 of 40 hypersegregated metropolitan areas.

Denton 38 —occurs when a racial or ethnic group is highly segregated on at least 4 of 5 dimensions of segregation, including unevenness, isolation, clustering, concentration, and centralization. These include Baltimore and Chicago, among other cities. The root causes of residential segregation have been and continue to be widely explored and debated in scholarly studies. Some argue that residential segregation is the result of nonracial demographic and socioeconomic circumstances, whereas others attribute the separation of racial groups in the residential landscape to racist attitudes and practices such as prejudice and discrimination in the housing market.

As a series of national housing discrimination studies that the Urban Institute conducted for HUD indicate, the most overt forms of housing discrimination have declined over the course of the past few decades. New forms of racial bias in housing have thus emerged. Racial steering, for instance, has become more common. Under this practice, real estate agents deliberately steer African Americans away from desirable neighborhoods and toward areas featuring larger concentrations of people of color, higher poverty levels, and lower housing quality compared with neighborhoods to where whites relocate.

In addition, black homebuyers are 2. Furthermore, the neighborhoods where white homebuyers are recommended and shown homes tend to be characterized by a larger presence of white residents than the neighborhoods where black homebuyers are recommended and shown homes. In particular, with the proliferation of social media and online housing advertising, discriminatory digital marketing has become more common. As a result of the litigation, in March , Facebook agreed to stop allowing landlords, creditors, and employers, among other advertisers, to discriminate against people of color and other protected classes.

The forms of discrimination against home mortgage applicants that were prevalent before the Equal Credit Opportunity Act of and the Community Reinvestment Act of have similarly diminished but have not disappeared, shifting from the outright denial of mortgages to potential borrowers of color to predatory practices, subprime lending, and unfavorable loan terms. Recent evidence shows that financial technology lenders typically charge borrowers of color eight basis points higher interest rates than they charge white borrowers.

Discrimination in the housing market reinforces the patterns of residential segregation that have been largely shaped by decades of racially biased housing policies. Most importantly, housing discrimination and residential segregation hamper the ability of African American homebuyers to build equity. Homes in primarily African American neighborhoods typically feature more volatile demand and prices than those in predominantly white areas, where resources such as access to well-paying jobs and quality schools are concentrated and contribute to higher housing demand and prices. Research shows that, even after taking housing characteristics into consideration, homes in neighborhoods where there is a large concentration of African Americans as well as neighborhoods that are racially transitioning typically are worth less and appreciate at a lower rate than those in predominantly white neighborhoods.

As homebuyers tend to look for housing options in communities where they anticipate greater capital gains, discrimination and low housing appreciation disproportionately harm largely black neighborhoods. This vicious cycle puts African Americans at a disadvantage in their ability to build equity and accumulate wealth. Mortgage data show that while lending to African American borrowers has continued to expand after the housing crash of , harmful segregation patterns persist. Similar to prerecession years, African American borrowers still predominantly buy homes in neighborhoods with large populations of people of color.

Across the United States, for example, 44 percent of the population in neighborhoods where high-income black borrowers concentrate consist of people of color, compared with 22 percent of the population in neighborhoods sought by high-income white homebuyers. Seventy-five percent of black borrowers and 88 percent of white borrowers, respectively, buy their homes in moderate- and high-income neighborhoods. Forty-one percent of the population in moderate- and high-income neighborhoods where high-income black homebuyers purchase a home consists of people of color, compared with just 21 percent in moderate- and high-income neighborhoods where white high-income borrowers reside.

Furthermore, 16 percent of the population in high-income census tracts where high-income black borrowers purchase their homes is black, compared with only 5 percent of the population in high-income census tracts attracting high-income white homebuyers. African American home mortgage borrowers continue buying homes in neighborhoods where homes have depreciated or have appreciated at a slower pace compared with those in neighborhoods where white homebuyers live.

Table 1 shows that, on average, the neighborhoods where African American borrowers bought their homes during the housing boom from to feature prices that are still lower than those before the financial crisis. In , home prices in these neighborhoods were 7 percent lower than in In contrast, home prices in neighborhoods where average white homebuyers purchased their homes during the same period have recovered; they increased by 2 percent between and Most broadly, racial disparities in home appreciation have persisted nationally even in the aftermath of the Great Recession, despite a general increase in home prices.

Home prices in census tracts attracting white homeowners, in contrast, have increased by 3 percent. This section considers the six metropolitan areas with the largest volume of home mortgage loans to African American borrowers: Atlanta, Baltimore, Chicago, Dallas, Houston, and Washington, D. These areas feature a larger black population compared with the national average of 13 percent. In Atlanta, Baltimore, and Washington, D. Only 15 percent of all home mortgage loans, however, have gone to black borrowers in the years after the Great Recession, in contrast to the 60 percent of total loans that have gone to white borrowers. Despite a decrease in segregation levels during the past three decades, 79 African Americans in these metropolitan areas are still highly segregated from non-Hispanic whites.

Standard measures of residential segregation 80 show that well more than half of the African American population in these metropolitan areas—from 57 percent in Dallas to 75 percent in Chicago—would have to live in a different neighborhood in their metropolitan areas in order to achieve a more dispersed geographic distribution and less separation from white residents. Racially segregative patterns are evident in the homebuying outcomes of African Americans and white homebuyers across the six metropolitan areas, particularly in Washington, D. Here, African Americans of all income levels purchase homes in neighborhoods where black residents make up a very large share of the total population. In contrast, white borrowers purchase homes in neighborhoods where African Americans represent, on average, a very small share of the total population; in Chicago, this share is only 6 percent.

Figures 3 through 8 illustrate the distribution of black homebuyers in these six metropolitan areas in relation to the geographic distribution of the black population. As the maps indicate, the density of black homebuyers tends to be higher in census tracts where the black population is mostly concentrated compared with predominantly nonblack neighborhoods. This is particularly clear in areas such as Washington, D.

Consistent with existing research, 82 a geographic information systems GIS analysis of trends in the home price index across census tracts in the selected metropolitan areas pinpoints a general overlap between depreciating neighborhoods and neighborhoods that are characterized by a large concentration of African Americans. In Atlanta, while home prices in neighborhoods attracting white homebuyers have experienced a 5 percent increase since , home prices in census tracts where black homebuyers are concentrated are still 6 percent below levels. Fair housing policy needs to be strengthened rather than rolled back, contrary to what the Trump administration has been attempting to do. Under Secretary Ben Carson, in particular, HUD has proposed to significantly scale down fair housing enforcement and integration remedies.

In , HUD suspended the obligation of local jurisdictions to file plans under the AFFH rule, despite evidence that the rule has been effective in propelling HUD funding recipients to meaningfully commit to fair housing. Introduced in and administered by the FHEO, the FHIP is a federal program that specifically funds public and private fair housing organizations engaged in education, outreach, preliminary fair housing investigations, and testing. Too often, discrimination is less overt than in the past and is difficult to detect. In addition, the burden of enforcement is often put on the victims of discrimination. While it is important that the FHIP program supports investigations of complaints filed by potential victims, it is also critical that this program supports proactive investigations that are independent of individual complaints in order to uncover systemic discriminatory practices that are difficult for victims to detect; expand scrutiny on actors that are not well covered by existing fair housing laws; monitor discriminatory practices in communities at risk; and explore strategies that are effective in deterring discriminatory practices and reversing segregation patterns.

The disparate impact standard is a very critical tool for detecting and addressing discriminatory housing practices that systematically affect communities of color but are difficult to prove. Even when there is no intention to discriminate, it is very important to hold housing agencies and players accountable for the discriminatory consequences of their actions that ultimately lead to and reinforce systemic racial disparities in the housing market. Unfortunately, the racial disparities illustrated in this report signal that segregation in the homebuying market is still a reality, with negative implications for equity building and wealth accumulation for African American homebuyers. Further investigation is required to identify and monitor specific entities and practices that perpetuate this destructive process.

The analysis of home mortgage data presented in this report shows that African American homebuyers continue to be concentrated in nonwhite neighborhoods—even when they have the financial resources to afford homes in any neighborhood of their choice, where the opportunities for equity building are similar to those of white homebuyers of comparable socioeconomic status. These patterns are concerning because they reflect and contribute to persisting racial segregation in the residential landscape.

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